Posted by
Permanent Fixes on Monday, February 01, 2010 12:00:00 AM
Where in the world did the idea come from that a local municipal, county, or state government that has an unfunded project of strictly local impact on it’s wish list should be able to prevail upon its congressman or senator to tack on to a major national spending bill, like an afterthought or an, “Oh, by the way,” or “I could support that if…,” kind of thing, funds to cover that project?
It would be bad enough and still wrong if such funds were just coming from taxpayers in other municipalities, counties, or states, but that is not where the funds come from. The funds are being borrowed from the surplus dollars China and other nations hold as a result of our trade deficit. Maybe that is why otherwise reasonably responsible and conservative people will say that they oppose earmarks in general but if we are going to have them, we need to make sure we get our share. It’s just borrowed money anyway! Put it on the credit card! Talk about pigs feeding at the trough!
Some practitioners of earmarking argue that it has been common since the founding of the country and that senators and representatives are the ones who know what the local needs are and the ones who should be able to direct federal funds to those needs. I’ve done a little research on the subject and I don’t buy that. Earmarking is a late 20th century serious corruption of the governing process designed to further entrench incumbents and is a major driver in the federal budget deficits and unfortunate lack of independence and sustainability of local governments. Not only have we failed to have each locality match it’s spending with funding from local sources. The federal government cannot even sit on its own bottom and match its spending with resources available from within this wealthy nation.
Tennessee Senator and former presidential candidate Lamar Alexander is a friend of mine, a couple of years older, who was an excellent example for me and many other young folks who grew up in the 1960’s in Maryville, TN. I followed Lamar through Maryville High School, learning something about leadership from him in Key Club activities, and then, with his encouragement, to Vanderbilt University. The only disappointment I have ever had with Lamar was when he aggressively advocated something called Federal Revenue Sharing, a program in which federal money was sent to states and localities to be spent as they saw fit. It was in effect from 1972 until President Reagan killed it in 1986. That was a terrible system in my view because, if there had been excess money in Washington, which there wasn’t because we were running deficits even then, it should have resulted in tax reductions and not in distribution to local governments resulting in their increasing lack of fiscal responsibility and dependence on federal funding. It was better than earmarks because local governments were still deciding how to use the funds, but probably set the stage for rapid growth in earmarks once President Reagan killed it.
There are lots of websites which discuss the history and practice and growth of earmarking. Of course they are all of a conservative and critical bent because there is no way on earth to defend the practice of earmarking except in a local venue discussion between the earmarker and the recipients of his or her efforts. (That didn’t stop Senator Harry Reid from arguing that any senator who didn’t have something he or she personally wanted for his or her state in the senate version of the health care bill should not be thought well of.) Some details and data, such as in this quote from
Americans for Prosperity, are found in the websites.
Just take a look at the history of the Defense Appropriations Bill: Taxpayers for Common Sense calculated that the 1970 Defense Appropriations Bill had a dozen earmarks; the 1980 bill had 62 earmarks; and by 2005, the defense bill had skyrocketed to 2,671 earmarks. The most recent bill spends money on anything from the eradication of brown tree snakes in Guam, to a virtual reality spray paint simulator system in Pine City, Minnesota. (And remember, this is the Defense Appropriations Bill. What do snakes and spray paint have to do with maintaining our nation’s security?)
The same story goes for the now notoriously larded-up Transportation Bill. When President Eisenhower proposed the first national highway bill a half century ago, there were two projects singled out for funding. Last August, when Congress passed the latest six year, $286.4 billion Transportation Bill, there were, by one estimate, 6,371 of these “special” projects, ranging from $200,000 for a deer avoidance system in Weedsport, N.Y., to $3 million for dust control mitigation on Arkansas’ rural roads.
In this same article, Americans for Prosperity credits South Carolina’s John C. Calhoun with the first ever earmark request which was tacked on to the Bonus Bill of 1817 and was to pay for a road in South Carolina. It was vetoed as unconstitutional by President James Madison.
The site most loaded with data and charts, which I love, is that of The Heritage Foundation. Click
here for a quick look at their charts on earmarking and federal government spending.
South Carolina has two extremes represented in its congressional delegation. Representative James Clyburn is an unapologetic champion of earmarking, argues that it is “constitutionally mandated,” and has defended it and used it very effectively to fund local projects and guarantee his continuing position and growing seniority in the House. Senator Jim DeMint, on the other hand, is absolutely opposed to earmarking and has none attributed to him. Hopefully he will be able to stay in office as a minority champion of smaller and more responsible government.
Senators and Congresspersons are now publishing their lists of requested earmarks. That was supposed to encourage responsibility, but I fear it will only encourage a feeding frenzy as local entities see stuff on the list that they hadn’t thought of and wish they had. You can find lists of requested earmarks by individual at
Washington Watch. Representative Clyburn has one of the more
straightforward lists, about 270 items totaling almost $1.6B which he prefaces by apologetically stating that, “these are requests and they may or may not be included in the final appropriations legislation.” Well, at least he gets some political points for putting them in the list.
Representative Clyburn’s smallest 2010 earmark request is for $88,000 for “
A Center for the Study of Applied Southern Black Business and Entrepreneurship” at Claflin University. The largest is for $128M for a “
Berkeley County Bio-Energy Park,” whatever that is. Competing for most inappropriate are…there are so many I can’t even pick any. Read the list for yourself. But, if the city of Sumter needs $4.8M to improve Frierson road, let them sell bonds or collect taxes from the citizens of Sumter to pay for it. The rest of us have our own problems, and we sure don’t need to borrow money from China to pay for it.
By the way, that “Every Tub” reference is something I first ran into while serving on an advisory board at Vanderbilt. It may be a paraphrase of a line from
Beowulf. It seems that great liberal institution, Harvard University, uses it as a budget management philosophy (click
here and scroll down to E), and Vanderbilt was trying to follow their example.
Used throughout the University, the acronym ETOB stands for "Every Tub on its Own Bottom." This axiom, coined in the early nineteenth century, is the bedrock of a highly decentralized system of financial management.
In Harvard parlance, a tub is a high-level institutional unit—one of the 10 faculties, for example, or the central administration. All told, there are 52 tubs and countless sub-tubs. Each tub is expected to be self-financing: to prepare its own budgets, raise its own funds, and keep itself solvent.
Here is at least one case where the United States Government could learn something from Harvard. I wonder if Lawrence Summers, Director of the National Economic Council and former Harvard President, has brought it up in White House discussions.